Earth Liberation Front Opinions

He had been an advocate for the ELF tenet of ". . . taking all necessary precautions not to harm any form of life, human or animal. . . ." His philosophy under Arissa has advocated revolution, ostensibly be- cause all of the efforts to change the U.S. government in the last "228" years have failed. Rosebraugh clearly legitimizes violence: "Terrorism can be OK, can be justified. We use terrorism in the U.S. every day. Our government does it every day. It can be effective. But I do believe you have to have letter writing. You can't draw a line be- tween nonviolence and political violence." 43 In his presentation on "The Legitimacy of Political Violence, Lessons in Reform and Revolution," which has been delivered in several places around the country, Rosebraugh further states, "we must use a range of tactics, legal and illegal, violent and non-violent . . . terrorism can be justified, can be OK . . . " and that "bombing and assassination can be legitimate forms of self defense against political oppression. . . . " 44 Of note, "self defense" in this context does not mean only defending one's life, but defending animals, the environment, or one's politics. Rodney Coronado, a convicted ALF arsonist who formerly abided by the ALF guidelines against harming life, recently stated, "I think [food producers] should appreciate that we're only targeting their property. Because frankly I think it's time to start targeting them. 45 Moreover, he recently wrote in an article in which he stated that: When under attack, we must fight back. Now is the time to ready ourselves for war. It's not enough to defend; we must confront the real terrorists when they least expect it, in traditional guerrilla warfare fashion, knowing that the spirits of all past rebels and resisters are within us. It's time to be strength- ened, not weakened, by recent FBI and ATF attacks on our nonviolent sup- porters. We are having an impact. The animal abusers and earth destroyers are circling their wagons my friends; let's not let our warriors in the A.L.F., E.L.F., Revolutionary Cells and other groups down. It's time to fight with all the rage and love that the crimes we are aware of deserve. 46 Revolutionary Cells (the work of Daniel Andreas San Diego), which he mentions spe- cifically, claimed credit for two bombings of Huntingdon Life Sciences partner corpora- tions wherein one pipe bomb was timed to explode one hour after the first-clearly targeting responding emergency personnel-and another pipe bomb was wrapped in nails. Especially troubling have been the terroristic actions by the most recent generation of militant animal rights activists, such as the Justice Department and Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty (SHAC). Kevin Jonas, the 21-year-old leader of SHAC's North American chapter has warned that: "When push comes to shove, we're ready to push, kick, shove, bite, do whatever to win." 47

In 2002, SHAC activists vandalized the apartment of a Chicago Insurance executive. They also threatened to burn the building and to harm (by name) his two-year-old son because one of the insurance company's clients was an animal testing lab. This strategy of terrorizing people who work for companies that support, or do business with, their primary opponents is part of a larger campaign. SHAC's own website declares that 34 companies that formerly did business with Huntingdon have severed those ties, presumably (at least in part) because of SHAC actions. 48

Some anarchist websites have lauded SHAC's strategic and tactical acumen and posted information about their activities as exemplars of what can be done. 49

Some environmental extremists also have turned to violence. In 2000, 32-year-old environmental rights activist Volkert van der Graff assassinated political candidate Pim Fortuyn (who spoke out publicly against the environmental extremists) in the Nether- lands, shooting him six times. If the tactics of these consonant links are regarded as an aspirational standard, then more violence in anarchist DAs can be expected in the future. It should not be surprising to learn that jails and prisons are major recruiting sites for extremists groups, including anarchists. It is not difficult to imagine how people who feel alienated, disenfranchised, and rebellious might find the antisociety passion and rhetoric to be attractive. They may even find a source of support and purpose. "Anar- chists in particular, with their cries to 'smash the state' and to eradicate prisons, appeal to inmates, including many convicted of common crimes who only come to believe they are 'political prisoners' after their incarceration." 50

Similarly, there are examples of these groups recruiting from various youth gangs, another haven of disenfranchised young people looking for a cause. Many are drawn into the movement through other forms of activism and consonant links. As previously noted, disdain for capitalism and globalization is increasingly pervasive among eco-radical groups. It is not uncommon to hear of an anarchist who first became interested in activism through an animal rights or environmental conservationist group. Once trained and involved in DA and resistance tactics, they may even attend mass protests where members of their own group are joined by anarchist protesters to decry the evils of multinational economic initiatives such as the WTO. They are increasingly ex- posed to additional elements of the social philosophy and ultimately "become" anarchists. College campuses continue to be a fertile breeding ground for radicals and extrem- ists from a variety of persuasions, including anarchists. Radical domestic social move- ments in the 1960s gained visibility and much of their momentum through student pro- tests. In Europe, many of the Marxist-Leninist factions grew out of social protests and even modern Islamist ideology has been energized and disseminated through universi- ties both in the United States and abroad. Even today, radical movements easily blend in among the myriad special interest, social activist, and political advocacy groups that pervade many institutions of higher learning. Intellectually, college students are more likely to be open to radical-even revolutionary-social philosophies. As a target popu- lation for radical recruitment, they tend to be young, energetic, and idealistic with time available to act. Activists can acquire skills in basic and advanced DA techniques through self-study or by attending workshops. Some organizations such as Ruckus Society and Anarchist Black Cross Federation even specialize in providing training in activism and varying forms of civil disobedience. There are many resources freely available to teach interested anar- chists how to conduct surveillance, prepare for protests, climb and descend, build shields, and craft weapons. The legality of the proposed actions is secondary to their perceived effectiveness. Some manuals and instructional resources limit themselves to nonviolent tactics; others do not. For those seeking to learn on their own, there is no shortage of available informa- tion. Activists interested primarily in protests might consult Bodyhammer: Tactics and Self-Defence For the Modern Protester by "Sarin." This book covers group movement situations, shield wall movement, and tactics, and "how to" tips for constructing and employing shields and body armor. The Ruckus Society offers manuals on "Action Plan- ning," "Scouting," and "Hanging Yourself From a Billboard." A group of activists from New York City have prepared a guide for those inclined to civil disobedience in the city called "How To Fight The Man (And Get Away Safely)." The Encyclopedia of Direct Action (1995)-also freely availably on the Internet- covers blockades and occupations, how not to be moved, product contamination, in- structions for damaging windows and glass, breaking and entering, lock picking, ethical shoplifting, economic sabotage, bomb scares and other hoaxes, and how to deal with the police. Consonant linked groups such as ALF and ELF also have an extensive and evolving library of training materials, including the ELF's "Direct Action Manual" and The A.L.F. Primer: A Guide to Direct Action and the Animal Liberation Front. 51 ALF's Primer contains both general and specific guidelines for breaking windows; breaking through shutters; vandalizing buildings, toilets, vehicles, and telephone lines; commit- ting arson; and getting through locks. There is even a Direct Action Journal. 52 Workshops, seminars, and training camps are another "hands on" mode of DA training. Very often training camps are sponsored in anticipation of specific events such as a major political convention or meeting of an international group. Again, some trainers limit themselves to nonviolent tactics whereas others do not. The Ruckus Society declares that its mission is to equip activists with the necessary tools to engage in nonviolent direct action. Nonviolent, of course, does not mean that it's legal. They sponsor three levels of training. The premiere training is an Action Camp, a week-long workshop typically focused on a particular cause or theme. "At Action Camp, participants split their time between theoretical and strategic workshops focusing on a wide array of advanced campaign skills and hands-on technical training in tactics for nonviolent actions." 53 More specialized training is provided at microRUCKUS, workshops lasting from 1 to 4 days, usually conducted in collaboration with one or more partner groups and with a training agenda tailored to the specific needs of the group. Finally, Ruckus also provides training for trainers and facilitators to grow and advance activism in their own local groups. To prepare for the RNC in New York City, the "NoRNC Clearinghouse Training Group" sponsors a monthly training in which they "analyze the terms direct action and civil disobedience; discuss affinity groups and the process whereby these groups make decisions before, during and after a political action; and practice blockading technics (sic) involving our bodies, lock boxes, and other devices." 54 Many other strategic and tactical trainings of this type are widely offered throughout the country.

Indicators Indicators of anarchist involvement usually are not reliably specific to anarchism. That is, because they share tactics and enemies with a number of extremist groups, it is sometimes difficult to discern which-if any-component constitutes an anarchist pres- ence. Media reports often group together a number of otherwise distinct causes and movements, viewing them collectively only as protesters against a given cause. Anarchists often are fairly overt about their beliefs and ideological inclinations. The term anarchism (or anarchy) is used liberally and adherents readily self-identify as anar- chists. In this sense, identification is not particularly challenging. However, when they are blended in among other radical or extremist factions with similar agendas, it may be useful to make the distinction. The following observations are offered with the clear caveat that not all anarchists will display these indicators and some who display them are not anarchists. Red and black are the dominant symbolic colors of the anarchist movement. These may be reflected in clothing, signs, and symbols. Red armbands may be worn against black shirts. Flags are often used (as a symbol of the solidarity and presence of the movement); typically they are either all black or half red and half black, separated by a diagonal line. Many adaptations have evolved. On some, the line runs from the lower left to upper right corner, with the upper portion in red and lower portion in black. Oftentimes, however, the diagonal and/or color scheme will be reversed. Another banner sometimes seen at protests or at homes is the "Jolly Roger" (skull and crossbones). The symbolic inference is to an identification with the pirate mentality in its battle with the gentry. There are dozens (if not hundreds) of symbols used throughout the movement, but the most common is the letter "A" (sometimes asymmetrically drawn, with a horizontal line that extends outward beyond the two diagonals) surrounded by a circle. The oft-cited meaning of this "Anarchy is Order." 55 Black cats with raised backs may symbolize revolution or sabotage, a form of DA legitimized among many anarchists. The raised fist and its variants represent power imbued to "the people." The "Chaos" symbol is found extensively in tattoos and is marked by multiple arrows pointing out from the center in all directions (typically eight directions). This can be stylized for artistic purposes and also combined with other symbols. In addition, the "Conflict" symbol is sometimes used, typically represented by a circle with a horizontal lightening bolt through it. One end of the bolt is formed as an arrow and the other as a cross. These symbols may be seen on tattoos, flags, stickers, patches, clothing, and so on. Anarchist activists often wear black masks or bandannas to cover their faces, a ritual known as "masking up." The functional value of this is that activists are more difficult to identify and (ostensibly) less likely to be subjected to later harassment and retribution. The symbolic value is that the "facelessness" increases solidarity and de- creases indications of class, race, gender, or other individual features that might distin- guish individuals from each other or lead to classist assumptions and preconceptions. The glitch for law enforcement is that the anarchists know the stereotype and may seek intentionally to dress or present themselves differently to avoid early identification and possible apprehension before an action has been completed. Thus, a collective of 20 people all dressed and masked in black, gathered together at some anticapitalism rally, bearing signs and symbols of the circled "A" are fairly likely to be anarchists (or per- sons masquerading as such). But an anarchist affinity group planning a DA may not be clad in the prototypical garb. Are there indicators that distinguish the violent from the nonviolent anarchists? Their behavior is really the only reliable indicator, although some other information may be valuable in assessing the potential for threat. Printed materials produced by a certain group may contain direct references to armed resistance or the need for violence to create revolution. Symbols or logos the group creates or uses may give some indica- tion of their affinity (or not) for violence. For example, the circled "A" may be superim- posed over an AK-47 or a Molotov Cocktail. Finally, it may also be useful to explore the anarchist "icons" and pioneers on which they most heavily rely in forming, defining, and describing their group. Are they men like Malatesta who believed in the inevitabil- ity of violence in revolution, or those who believe in nonviolence at virtually any cost? The answer is not dispositive of the modern group's propensity for violent action, but it is a relevant line of inquiry.

Information/Communications Strategic communications-the spreading of their message of social philosophy-is a central feature of activism generally and direct actions specifically. Anarchists tend to be quite sophisticated about methods for disseminating information. There are countless newsletters and magazines, known as "zines," 56 hundreds of websites, chatrooms, and discussion lists. Flyers, posters, banners, and stickers are freely available to download from various websites. Radical bookstores exist in most major cities (and often serve as a good starting point for those seeking to link with other anarchists in a particular area). They even have their own source of media. Opposing the Federal Communications Com- mission (FCC)-as they do all forms of governmental control and regulation-many anarchists have created their own independent media via "pirate" radio stations, in what they refer to as the "free radio movement." 57

Tactical communications -exchanges of operational information during an action- are critical for successful DAs, and technologically they are becoming more sophisti- cated. Organizers/facilitators need to be able to communicate with each other and with members of the affinity group, especially when the action is "going mobile." DA trainings increasingly discuss the role and operation of scouts "who keep track of activity and police presence (these can be equipped with hand radios or cell phones with which to communicate with the main group, and can ride bicycles for extra speed and mobility; it usually makes the most sense to position them a block or so away from the group, so they can provide early warnings and broader perspective on the area)." 58 Other communications operators also may be used "to exchange information with the scouts and other groups, runners to communicate new information to nearby groups." 59

Financing

Given anarchists' opposition to capitalism and enterprise the question of how they fund their operations is intriguing. Anarchists typically lead a simple and inexpensive lifestyle. Many are vegetarian or vegan and are accustomed to a communal life where food and other resources are shared. On a daily basis, most anarchists have jobs (typically low paying service jobs). They often travel by shared rides in cars, but many have become proficient at hopping trains to travel long distances. A series of projects throughout the country known as "Food not Bombs" often provide collective food for the anarchist community (the food is not necessarily only consumed by anarchists). Therefore, it does not require much money to facilitate subsistence and travel. Many of the higher level organizers and activists have taken to traveling by bus or even airplane and many of them have traveled internationally, especially to Europe. Little is know of the financing structure for that kind of work. Funding sources such as voluntary contributions, book sales, "distros" (selling of shirts, symbols, etc.), and 'zine sales appear to be the back- bone of financing. A relatively new source of income is the production and sale of videos mostly depicting DA and large protest incidents. Alternative media may be the single most prolific source of funding for the movement at this time. However, as the connection between anarchists and ALF and ELF solidifies, more complex and lucrative financial relationships may also evolve. Law Enforcement Strategies/ Implications Prior to the Seattle WTO demonstrations in September 1999, criminal anarchists relied heavily on maintaining internal operational security. That is, they discussed, wrote about, and tried many techniques to ensure that law enforcement was not able to infiltrate their particular group or cell or trace responsibility for any action back to the larger group. This was partly inspired by the concept of Leaderless Resistance adopted and advocated by their colleagues in ALF and ELF. However, it was also a natural outgrowth of their criminal mindset combined with the belief that law enforcement was singularly the arm of the government that was able to suppress their desires for forceful social change. There were efforts to organize a larger, more coordinated effort for the WTO where some anarchists were facilitating large affinity groups and other relatively sophisticated networks. The increased scale of coordination and organization assumed a more promi- nent role as the next year progressed due to an increase in the number of anarchists willing to become involved in DA, and the fact that they were traveling to large demon- strations from around the country (in some cases internationally). As anarchist protests and resistance actions increased in size and intensity, many jurisdictions across the country rushed to implement hastily crafted legal countermea- sures, often in anticipation of a particular planned event. As often as not, however, these efforts have failed to accomplish their objectives and arguably have given victories to the activists. For example, in anticipation of Bloc activists "masking up," there was a trend toward passing ordinances that made it a violation to wear a mask or hood. Yet, this tactic has failed (legally and strategically) most everywhere it has been tried. Some jurisdictions attempted to create "protest zones" so far away from the event that it was impractical or unattractive to protesters who wanted their message heard by event participants. Although this has been effective in some circumstances (as in the Salt Lake Olympics and to some extent at the G8 Summit on Sea Island, Georgia), in other places it has failed. Others attempted legal countermeasures have included requir- ing demonstration permits with high fees and designating approved parade routes in remote areas. As the scale of the activists' coordinating and networking increased, however, so did the vulnerability to their operational security. Meetings had to be opened to hun- dreds of people and plans discussed more freely. In that environment, it became much easier for law enforcement to gain access to plans and general tactical information, even though many action decisions were left to individual affinity groups or even to individu- als. The cost of decentralizing their decision making was reduced cohesion and increased isolation and subsequent vulnerability to arrest. In order to counter law enforcement's new degree of intelligence and planning, activists had to develop new tactics and to modify them constantly.

The security concerns were openly discussed and many critical analyses were of- fered locally and via the Internet. A particular effort was made to learn techniques for identifying law enforcement officers working in undercover capacities. This posed a serious concern for undercover officers, especially given the level of hatred many anar- chists express toward the police. In addition, anarchists actively sought to learn much more about police operations and tactics. In the era of community-oriented policing, law enforcement agencies have been encouraged to be more "transparent" to the public and have often put tactical planning information on the Web, making it easily available. Another layer of response was to emphasize documenting and reporting police opera- tions via "independent media" outlets. This provided anarchists an opportunity to study police tactics on a broader scale, but also to use this information in a media campaign to discredit law enforcement. In recent years, some analytical anarchists have questioned the cost-benefit effect of participating in large-scale demonstrations. The debate is growing about the need to abandon large-scale DA for smaller scale DA, often referred to in the movement as "guerilla tactics." Small-scale DA have many advantages because they are generally conducted covertly, under the cover of darkness, within a very secure "cell" and the targets can be chosen more carefully in order to ensure maximum effect, both tactically and strategically. The disadvantage to the criminal anarchist factions is that many crimi- nally prone anarchists are energized or motivated by the "mob mentality" of large groups and may not be willing or able to conduct DA on their own. Within the movement, debate continues about how best to build a large, revolutionary, movement using the method of leaderless resistance. Internal conflicts are another major source of vulnerability within the movement. The DoT debate has already been addressed, but the movement also is struggling with a perceived lack of power among women, and the lack of inclusion of ethnic minorities. This kind of conflict occurred three decades ago within the leftist revolutionary move- ment in the United States. Some commentators have suggested that the Weather Under- ground essentially imploded because of conflict over similar issues. As anarchists are noted to be scholars of history, some leaders in the movement recognize the similarities and their potential for harm and are attempting to address or remediate these grievances on a national scale. One example is the "Total Liberation Fest 2004," which was held in Erie, Pennsylvania in January 2004. 60 The stated goal was to produce a "revolutionary conference on state repression, political prisoners, social justice, and Earth & Animal Liberation." 61 The special guests listed exemplify the attempts to include a broader spec- trum of ethnicity. Rodney Coronado, a featured presenter, is a member of the Yaqui tribe, living in Tucson, Arizona. Ramona Africa is an African-American woman billed as, "former political prisoner, MOVE survivor," a reference to the MOVE organization from Philadelphia. Ashanti Alston, also an African American, is " . . . a former Black Panther and Black Liberation Army soldier." In addition to events such as this, a docu- mentary about the Weather Underground is currently being toured around the country. The film is generally accompanied by testimony from former members of the Weather Underground sharing lessons learned in their failed attempt at revolution. Although conflict and instability within the movement can make it more vulnerable, it also creates another potential set of challenges for law enforcement. The development of revolutionary anarchist factions poses a potential threat beyond even their DA protest activity. By definition, those advocating for revolution seek to overthrow the existing government and/or social system. Some revolutionaries in the anarchist movement be- lieve that violence is a legitimate or even necessary mechanism to create that change.

Clearly not all anarchists advocate or engage in violence, but some do. Those individu- als and factions pose a particular concern. Many law enforcement professionals view modern anarchists simply as a protest group. As long as the activity at large-scale protests is relatively contained and the protests do not devolve into riots, law enforcement may be tempted to ignore the move- ment. Violent revolutionary actions-including guerilla warfare-however, pose a threat to the communities and people that law enforcement officers are sworn to protect. To monitor that activity seems prudent, not because of the ideas they hold or advocate, but because of the tactics that may be used to enact them. Intelligence gathering among the most radical-and often most violent-factions is particularly difficult. Infiltration into large affinity group meetings is relatively simple. However, infiltration into radical revolutionary "cells" is not. The very nature of the movement's suspicion and operational security enhancements makes infiltration difficult and time consuming. Few agencies are able to commit to operations that require years of up-front work just getting into a "cell," especially given shrinking budgets and in- creased demands for attention to other issues. Infiltration is made more difficult by the communal nature of the lifestyle (under constant observation and scrutiny) and the ex- tensive knowledge held by many anarchists, which require a considerable amount of study and time to acquire. Other strategies for infiltration have been explored, but so far have not been successful. Discussion of these theories in an open paper is not advisable. Informant development is a critical function in law enforcement's response to criminal anarchism. Some key personnel within the movement are similarly aware of this and have developed and disseminated methods for resisting grand juries in a way to help avoid long-term incarceration. 62 Although Grand Jury investigations are routinely successful against criminals, they have been less successful against activists and "true believers." The criminal is generally motivated solely by his or her own self-interest, whereas activists are often more concerned with their beliefs and the effects their actions may have on others and on the movement more generally. A potential informant bears both the scrutiny and support of his or her peers. It is not unusual for a sizable "support group" to respond with someone who is called before a grand jury. This group certainly may provide support, but it also may serve as an intimidating reminder of the price of cooperation. Investigators and law enforcement officers should be cautious during ques- tioning not to divulge more to the subject about the case (via questions), than is learned through their testimony. These challenges notwithstanding, law enforcement should con- tinue to develop informants and to utilize tools such as grand juries to investigate anar- chist crimes, knowing that through patience and persistence law enforcement ultimately can contain any momentum of violence and minimize risk and harm to the public.

Notes: 1. In the 1870s, William I of Prussia, the King of Spain and the King of Italy all were assassinated. Queen Victoria was the target of seven assassination attempts. Tsar Alexander II was assassinated in 1881. In 1894 French President Carnot was assassinated by an Italian anar- chist. 2. In September 1901, President William McKinley was assassinated by an anarchist, Leon Czolgosz. 3. William Reichert, "Toward a New Understanding of Anarchism," The Western Political Quarterly, 20(4) (1967), pp. 856-865. 4. K. Burke, "In among the anarchists," New York Daily News (31 August 2004). Retreived online September 19, 2004 at (http://www.nydailynews.com/ front/story/227574p-195399c.html). 5. Notably, the concept of "autonomous action" was highlighted by Anarchists at the RNC and DNC, and may represent the second generation of approaches to "leaderless resistance." 6. Rudolf Rocker, Anarcho-Syndicalism (London: Phoenix Press, 1988). 7. Westel Willoughby, The Ethical Basis of Political Authority (New York: McMillan, 1930). 8. Charles Merriam, American Political Ideas (New York: McMillan, 1926). 9. Ibid., p. 349. 10. William Reichert suggest, however, that "the division of anarchist ideas into two sepa- rate categories on the basis of whether or not violence is considered a legitimate social means is not a valid distinction." Reichert, " Toward a New Understanding of Anarchism," p. 856. 11. Leo Tolstoy-through personal correspondence-was actually quite instrumental in in- fluencing Mohandas Gandhi to adopt and advocate for a model of nonviolent resistance. 12. G. P. Maximoff, ed., The Political Philosophy of Bakunin: Scientific Anarchism (New York: Free Press, 1953). 13. Errico Malatesta, "The Revolutionary 'Haste,'" Umanità Nova, N. 125, 6 September 1921. 14. Anarchist Federation. Aims and Principles. Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http:// flag.blackened.net/ af/aims.html). 15. D. W. Brackett, Holy Terror: Armageddon in Tokyo (New York: Weatherhill, 1996), pp. 98-108. 16. Edward Erickson, "The Anarchist Disorder: The Psychopathology of Terrorism in Late Nineteenth-Century France, Dissertation Abstracts International, Vol. 60(2-A), 1999. 17. Stephen Lyng, "Dysfunctional risk taking: Criminal behavior as edgework," in Nancy Bell and Robert Bell, eds., Adolescent risk taking (Newbury Park: Sage, 1993), pp. 107-130. 18. R. Borum, Understanding the terrorist mindset. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, 72(7), (July, 2003), pp. 7-10. 19. A. P. Goldstein, The Psychology of Group Aggression (New York: Wiley, 2002). 20. A. Bandura, "The origins and consequences of moral disengagement: A social learning perspective," F. M. Moghaddam & A. J. Marsella, eds., Understanding Terrorism: Psychosocial Roots, Consequences, and Interventions (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2003). 21. Robert A. Fein and Bryan Vossekuil. Protective intelligence and threat assessment in- vestigations: A gude for stat eand local law enforcement officials. (NIJ/OJP/DOJ Publication No. NCJ 170612). (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 1998). 22. Richard Hoskins, Vigilantes of Christendom, 2nd ed. (Lynchburg, VA: Virginia Pub- lishing Company, 1995). 23. Mark Shaffer (May 6, 2001), "McVeigh Factor Destroys Militias," The Arizona Repub- lic. Accessed online 17 June 2004 at (http://www.rickross.com/reference/ militia/militia42.html). 24. Wikipedia (2004). "Animal Liberation Front. Accessed online 17 June 2004 at (http:// en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Animal_Liberation_Front). 25. Jo Freeman, "The Tyrrany of Structurelessness." Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http:// flag.blackened.net/ af/online/tyranny.html). 26. See, for example, the list of links on the website of the UK-based "Anarchist Federation." Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://flag.blackened.net/ af/links.html). 27. International of Anarchists Federation Website. Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://www.iaf- ifa.org/en/). 28. Cluster. Accessed online 29 April 2004 at (www.rncnotwelcome.org/cluster.html). 29. Seattle Times. 30. Washington Post, "Rebellion Without a Cause," 31. John Tierney, "The Anti-War Movement in 2004," Organization Trends (April 2004), pp. 1-7. Capital Research Center. 32. Lorenzo Komboa Ervin. (2002). "Anarchist vs. Marxist-Leninist Thought on the Orga- nization of Society." Accessed online 14 May 2004 at (http://www.infoshop.org/ texts/anar_vs_marx.html). R. Borum and C. Tilby 33. John Tierney, "The Anti-War Movement in 2004," p. 4. 34. Louis Beam, "Battle in Seattle: Americans Face Off the Police State." Accessed online 29 April 2004 at (http://www.louisbeam.com/ seattle.htm). 35. Womyn Gemini, "2002 Organizers' Conference Report," Earth First! Journal, Eostar 22(4) (2002). 36. Andrew McCrae. (2002). "Proud and Insolent Youth Incorporated." Accessed online 7 June 2004 at (http://sf.indymedia.org/ news/2002/11/1545326.php). 37. Andrew McCrae. (2002). "The Declaration of a Renewed American Independence." Ac- cessed online 7 June 2004 at (http://sf.indymedia.org/ news/2002/11/1545325.php). 38. Anonymous. "Rooftop Occupations," in Shawn Ewald, ed., Anarchism in Action: Methods, Tactics, Skills, & Ideas, 2nd ed. (Draft). Retreived 10 May 2004 from (http://www.radio4all.org/ aia/act_rooftop.html). 39. Heidi Beirich and Bob Moser. From Push to Shove: Radical environmental and animal- rights groups have always drawn the line at targeting humans. Not anymore. Intelligence Report, #147 (Fall, 2002), Southern Poverty Law Center. 40. Shawn Ewald, ed., "Anarchism in Action." 41. Sylvia Poggioli, Letter bombs addressed to EU officials panic Europe. National Public Radio, Weekend Edition Sunday (1:00 PM ET)-NPR. 25 January 2004. It should be noted, however, that in the wake of these reports, the coordinating committee of the Italian Anarchist Federation (Federazione Anarchica Italiana) issued a press release denouncing the use of bombs and claiming that the "Informal Anarchist Federation" is a non-existent "phantom" organiza- tion created to cast aspersions on the true Italian anarchists. Italian Anarchist Federation (2003). Press Release. Accessed online 9 June 2004 at (http://www.federazioneanarchica.org/ archivio/ 20031228cdc.html#eng). 42. According to the Arisa website, "The primary goal of Arissa is to create a social and political revolution in the United States." Furthermore, the group believes that "everyone has the responsibility to take action and assist in the effort to stop the U.S. government, an entity that has plagued the domestic and international arena throughout modern history with unprecedented mur- der, destruction, and injustice. We encourage you to become involved in our efforts to bring about the necessary political and social revolution in the United States of America." Accessed online 17 June 2004 at (http://www.arissa.org/mission.html). 43. Amy Roe. (2003). "He Says He Wants a Revolution." Willamette Weekly Online, 1/8/ 2003. Accessed online 9 June 2004 at (http://www.wweek.com/story.php?story=3512). 44. Amy Roe. (2003). "He Says He Wants a Revolution." 45. Center for Consumer Freedom. (2003). Campus Radical. Posted 27 January 2003. Ac- cessed online 9 June 9, 2004 at (http://www.consumerfreedom.com/ headline_detail.cfm?HEADLINE_ ID=1758). 46. Heidi Beirich and Bob Moser. From Push to Shove: Radical environmental and animal- rights groups have always drawn the line at targeting humans. Not anymore. Intelligence Report, #147 (Fall, 2002), Southern Poverty Law Center. 47. Rod Coronado. (2003). "In the Spirit of Solidarity," No Compromise, Issue 22. Ac- cessed online 9 June 2004 at (http://www.nocompromise.org/ issues/22solidarity.html). 48. Roll of Honour: Companies that Have Ditched Huntingdon. Retrieved 10 May 2004 from (http://www.shac.net). 49. How to Rip A Corporation Apart Piece by Piece (article about the Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty's successess with their campaign against Huntington Life Sciences). 50. AntiDefamation League, "Dangerous Convictions: An Introduction to Extremist Activi- ties in Prisons" (New York: Gorowitz Institute, 2002), p. 43. 51. Animal Liberation Front. The A.L.F. Primer: A Guide to Direct Action and the Animal Liberation Front, 2nd ed. 52. Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://www.directactionjournal.org/). 53. Ruckus Society. "Ruckus Society Action Camps." Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://www.ruckus.org/training/ actioncamps/index.html). 54 NoRNC Clearinghouse Training Group. "Direct Action Training." Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://www.rncnotwelcome.org/ chousedatrain.html). 55. Peter Peterson, "Flag, Torch, and Fist: The Symbols of Anarchism," Freedom, 48(11), p. 8. 56. Infoshop.org. Library: Zine Kiosk. Accessed online 17 May 2004 at (http://www.infoshop.org/ zine_kiosk.html). 57. Ron Sakolsky and Stephen Dunifer, eds., Seizing the Airwaves: A Free Radio Hand- book (Oakland, CA: AK Press). Accessed online 18 May 2004 at (http://www.infoshop.org/texts/ seizing/toc.html). 58. CrimethInc. Blocs, Black and Otherwise. Accessed online 18 May 2004 at (http:// www.crimethinc.com/ feature1_2.html). 59. Ibid. 60. Accessed online 9 June 2004 at (http://www.total-liberation.com/). 61. Accesses online 9 June 2004 at (http://total-liberation.com/). 62. Larry Weiss. (Undated). "Walking Through a Grand Jury." Accessed online 9 June 2004 at (http://www.animalliberation.net/ security/walkgj.html).

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MICHAEL CRICHTON AND GLOBAL WARMING by David B. Sandalow

How do people learn about global warming? That - more than the merits of any scientific argument - is the most interesting question posed by Michael Crichton's State of Fear. The plot of Crichton's 14th novel is notable mainly for its nuttiness - an MIT professor fights a wellfunded network of eco-terrorists trying to kill thousands by creating spectacular "natural" disasters. But Crichton uses his book as a vehicle for making two substantive arguments. In light of Crichton's high profile and ability to command media attention, these arguments deserve scrutiny. First, Crichton argues, the scientific evidence for global warming is weak. Crichton rejects many of the conclusions reached by the National Academy of Sciences and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change - for example, he does not believe that global temperature increases in recent decades are most likely the result of human activities. In challenging the scientific consensus, Crichton rehashes points familiar to those who follow such issues. These points are unpersuasive, as explained below. Second, Crichton argues that concern about global warming is best understood as a fad. In particular, he argues that many people concerned about global warming follow a herd mentality, failing critically to examine the data. Crichton is especially harsh in his portrayal of other members of the Hollywood elite, though his critique extends more broadly to the news media, intelligentsia and general public. This argument is more interesting and provocative, though ultimately unpersuasive as well.

• Climate Science Crichton makes several attempts to cast doubt on scientific evidence regarding global warming. First, he highlights the "urban heat island effect." Crichton explains that cities are often warmer than the surrounding countryside and implies that observed temperature increases during the past century are the result of urban growth, not rising greenhouse gas concentrations. This issue has been examined extensively in the peer-reviewed scientific literature and dismissed by the vast majority of earth scientists as an inadequate explanation of observed temperature rise. Ocean temperatures have climbed steadily during the past century, for example - yet this data is not affected by "urban heat islands." Most land glaciers around the world are melting, far away from urban centers. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, using only peer-reviewed data, concluded that urban heat islands caused "at most" 0.05°C of the increase in global average temperatures during the period 1900-1990 - roughly one-tenth of the increase during this period. In contrast, as one source reports, "there are no known scientific peer-reviewed papers" to support the view that "the heat island effect accounts for much or nearly all warming recorded by land-based thermometers." Second, Crichton argues that global temperature declines from 1940-1970 disprove, or at least cast doubt on, scientific conclusions with respect to global warming. Since concentrations of greenhouse gases were rising during this period, says Crichton, the fact that global temperatures were falling calls into question the link between greenhouse gas concentrations and temperatures. Crichton is correct that average temperatures declined, at least in the Northern Hemisphere, from 1940-1970. Temperature is the result of many factors, including the warming effects of greenhouse gases, the cooling effects of volcanic eruptions, changes in solar radiation and more. (Think of a game of tug-of-war, in which the number of players on each team changes frequently.) The fall in Northern Hemisphere temperatures from 1940-1970 reflects the relative weight of cooling factors during that period, not the absence of a warming effect from man-made greenhouse gases. Should we at least be encouraged, recalling the decades from 1940-1970 in the hope that cooling factors will outweigh greenhouse warming in the decades ahead? Hardly. Greenhouse gas concentrations are now well outside levels previously experienced in human history and climbing sharply. Unless we change course, the relatively minor warming caused by man-made greenhouse gases in the last century will be dwarfed by much greater warming from such gases in the next century. There is no basis for believing that cooling factors such as those that dominated the temperature record from 1940-1970 will be sufficient to counteract greenhouse warming in the decades ahead. Third, Crichton offers graph after graph showing temperature declines during the past century in places such as Puenta Arenas (Chile), Greenville (South Carolina), Ann Arbor (Michigan), Syracuse (New York) and Navacerrada (Spain). But global warming is an increase in global average temperatures. Nothing about specific local temperature declines is inconsistent with the conclusion that the planet as a whole has warmed during the past century, or that it will warm more in the next century if greenhouse gas concentrations continue to climb. Crichton makes other arguments, but a point-by-point rebuttal is beyond the scope of this paper. (A thoughtful rebuttal of that kind can be found at www.realclimate.org.) Climate change science is a complex topic, not easily reduced to short summaries. But a useful contrast with Crichton's scienceargument- within-an-action-novel is the sober prose of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences. The opening paragraph of a 2001 National Academy report responding to a request from the Bush White House read: "Greenhouse gases are accumulating in Earth's atmosphere as a result of human activities, causing surface air temperatures and subsurface ocean temperatures to rise. Temperatures are, in fact, rising. The changes observed over the last several decades are likely mostly due to human activities, but we cannot rule out that some significant part of these changes is also a reflection of natural variability. Human-induced warming and associated sea level rises are expected to continue through the 21st century. Secondary effects are suggested by computer model simulations and basic physical reasoning. These include increases in rainfall rates and increased susceptibility of semi-arid regions to drought. The impacts of these changes will be critically dependent on the magnitude of the warming and the rate with which it occurs." Climate Change Science: An Analysis of Some Key Questions, National Academies Press (2001). Time will tell whether this report or Crichton's novel will have a greater impact on public understanding of global warming.

• Climate Fad This raises the second, more interesting argument in Crichton's novel. Crichton argues that concern about global warming has become a fad embraced by media elites, entertainment moguls, the scientific establishment and general public. In Crichton's view, many assertions are accepted as fact without critical analysis by the vast majority of those who have views on this issue. On the last point, fair enough. There are indeed fewer people who have sorted through the minutiae of climate change science than have opinions on the topic. In this regard, global warming is like Social Security reform, health care finance, the military budget and many other complex public policy issues. As Nelson Polsby and Aaron Wildavsky once wrote, "Most people don't think about most issues most of the time." When forming opinions on such matters, we all apply certain predispositions or instincts and rely on others whose judgment or expertise we trust. Of course this observation applies as well to the economics of climate change. The perception is widespread in many circles that reducing greenhouse gas emissions will be ruinously expensive. How many of those who hold this view have subjected their opinions to critical analysis? Crichton never musters outrage on this topic. Crichton's complaints are particularly striking in light of the highly successful efforts to provide policymakers and the public with analytically rigorous, non-political advice on climate science. Since 1988, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has convened thousands of scientists, economists, engineers and other experts to review and distill the peer-reviewed literature on the science on global warming. The IPCC has produced three reports and is now at work on the fourth. In addition, the National Academy of Sciences has provided advice to the U.S. government on this topic, including the report cited above. Crichton's view that the American media provides a steady drumbeat of scary news on global warming is especially hard to fathom. Solid data are scarce, but one 1996 analysis found that the rock star Madonna was mentioned roughly 80 times more often than global warming in the Lexis- Nexis database. Certainly one could watch the evening news for weeks on end without ever seeing a global warming story. Furthermore, the print media's "on the one hand, on the other hand" convention tilts many global warming stories strongly toward Crichton's point of view. As Crichton would concede, the vast majority of the world's scientists believe that global warming is happening as a result of human activities and that the consequences of rising greenhouse gas emissions could be very serious. Still, many news stories on global warming include not just this mainstream view but also the "contrarian" views of a very small minority of climate change skeptics, giving roughly equal weight to each. As a result, public perceptions of the controversy surrounding these issues may be greatly exaggerated. Crichton's most serious charge is that "open and frank discussion of the data, and of the issues, is being suppressed" in the scientific community. As "proof," he offers the assertion that many critics of global warming are retired professors no longer seeking grants. Whether there is any basis for these assertions is unclear, but if so Crichton should back up his claims with more than mere assertions in the appendix to an action novel. Indeed Crichton should hold himself to a higher standard with regard to all the arguments in his book. He is plainly a very bright guy and, famously, a Harvard Medical School graduate. A millionaire many times over, he doesn't need to be seeking grants. If he has something serious to say on the science of climate change, he should say so in a work of nonfiction and submit his work for peer review. The result could be instructive - for him and us all. David Sandalow is an environment scholar at The Brookings Institution.

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A response to comments made by "SS", by William

1. Yes, Humans are "worthless" and so are "woodpeckers." 2. No, A house is not a natural environment, and for that matter neither is a birds nest. 3. There is no natural environment, which leads to the necessity to destroy all things that we constructingly begin to see and understand as "natural" environments. 4. These are concepts and the actions behind them are only there to think. 5. You could help by driving your SUV down the driveway to retrieve the morning paper. 6. Retrieve is a word normally associated with dogs. 7. The words "meaningful" and "honorable" are ascribed to the language of wartalk. 8. If you think something it cannot have anything to do with "morals" or ethics." 9. Its really cyclical. 10. Most people in the world do not have the ability to cure diseases. If they did, there would be no disease. 11. Terrorism is socially situated and socially constructed. Your terror is as valid as mine. 12. That word alone is a valid argument. 13. Priorities, Hierarchies, 14. These things devalue as in counter-terrorism. 15. ALL HUMAN ACTS SHOULD OCCUR. 16. That is referred to as being "human." 17. Advocacy is wartalk. 18. Living. --William

From SS, To everyone involved with the "E.L.F." "You guys are the most confused and backwards organization I have ever heard of. You pride yourselves in "liberating the Earth." But isn't Mankind also a part of the Earth? Aren't our actions natural Earth processes just as any other animal or plant species on the planet? Why is it that a Human building a home for itself or its family is an "unnatural" act to you, but a bird building a nest is a sacred act? Beavers make dams just as Humans do; a beaver dam floods a valley and 'destroys habitat.' Do you guys protest the natural beaver dam? Woodpeckers destroy trees, do you threaten to kill them as you do to humans? There are tree diseases which kill entire forests, why don't you spend as much time or put as much effort in to finding cures for these diseases as you do in you eco-terrorism? Now you are threatening to target and possibly kill humans, in addition to the millions of dollars in property damage you already commit. Is a human life worth less than the life of a tree or a bird or a fish? I think you guys need to review your priorities. I am not advocating everything that humans do. Of course there are some human acts which should not occur. But do you really think that by burning buildings, cars, and schools (with the possibility of killing humans in the process) you are saving the Earth? Don't you see that those fires are damaging to the environment, too? I think you guys are confused about a lot of things. Some eco-advocacy groups are doing meaningful and honorable work, but you guys are not. I would appreciate a response, though I am not going to hold my breath. If I was a member of ELF I would not respond to this message. Maybe you guys will surprise me and give me an argument which is well thought out and meaningful, though I highly doubt you will (because I don't think you have one). I will be here though, and I will still be driving my SUV and living in my house, which is just as natural a structure as a bird's nest, whether you think so or not. Looking forward to hearing your response." (From) "SS"