Earth Liberation Front
Information About ELF
The Earth Liberation Front "E.L.F" is an underground movement with no leadership, membership or official spokesperson.
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- There is no ELF structure; "it" is non-hierarchical and there is no centralized organization or leadership.
- There is no "membership" in the Earth Liberation Front.
- Any individuals who committed arson or any other illegal acts under the ELF name are individuals who choose to do so under the banner of ELF and do so only driven by their personal conscience.
- These choices are not endorsed, encouraged, or approved of by this websites management, webmasters, affiliates, or other participant
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- The intention of this web site is journalistic in intent: to inform and chronicle issues related to ELF.
- The owners, management, webmasters, affiliates, or other participants of this website are not spokespersons, members, or affiliates of The Earth Liberation Front in any way; nor do the opinions of anyone acting in the name of The Earth Liberation Front or ELF, represent the opinions of the this websites management, webmasters, affiliates, or other participants.
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Tribal leaders plan meeting on global warming
Corinne Purtill
The Arizona Republic
Dec. 4, 2006 12:00 AM
As a child reared in New Mexico's Tesuque Pueblo, Louie
Hena played in waist-deep snow in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains.
Less than 50 years later, the snow reaches only to his ankles.
Wahleah Johns, 31, grew up without running water or electricity
on the Navajo Reservation. After years of worsening drought,
her family now must drive even farther to find water for
their personal use and livestock. advertisement
Native American communities are witnessing firsthand the
effects of a warming planet. Representatives of more than
50 tribes from Alaska to the Mexican border will gather
on the Cocopah Reservation near Yuma on Tuesday and Wednesday
for what organizers are billing as the first tribal conference
on climate change.
They'll share information on the signs of global warming observed on reservations across the continent. Tribal leaders will discuss alternative energy and traditional, sustainable ways of life on their reservations. They also will talk about the effects of U.S. climate-change policy on their land and people.
"Native people have a close relationship to the land, culturally, spiritually, economically," said Tom Goldtooth, executive director of the Minnesota-based Indigenous Environmental Network and a conference speaker.
Climate change, he said, "is becoming a human rights issue."
A living threat
For many American Indian tribes, the effects of climate
change, the rise in global temperature caused by heat-trapping
gases in the atmosphere, are not an abstract possibility.
They are happening.
"I've seen whole banks of trees (along the Rio Grande) eroded away from a single flooding in the spring," Hena said. "I've seen birds going south when they should be going north."
Extended drought is shrinking water supplies and hammering wildlife on reservations in the Southwest and Midwest. Traditional ceremonies based on seasonal changes have been disrupted by prolonged summers and delayed rainy seasons.
Melting ice in the Arctic Circle is destroying the foundation of Inuits' homes and threatening entire villages with relocation.
A national climate-change assessment published in 2000 said climate change posed health, environmental and economic risks to the more than 565 recognized tribes and Alaska Native communities in the United States.
Adjusting to the environmental changes wrought by global warming takes money and technology, commodities scarce on many reservations, the government report said.
Finding solutions
In addition to comparing problems, conference participants
also will discuss renewable-energy and sustainable-living
solutions under way on many reservations.
An increasing number of tribes are taking advantage of their reservations' unique geography to invest in solar and wind energy. Tribes can sell the power generated to local utilities and can sell carbon credits to companies or individuals looking to offset their own carbon emissions.
Tribes are also looking to old ways of life for answers to new environmental problems.
In the mid-1990s, Hena started teaching a two-week course on traditional uses of the environment for everything from erosion control to medicine. Native people from across the U.S., Canada and South America have since attended the course.
With climate change threatening native lands, traditional survival methods are all the more relevant, Hena said.
A global issue
Forming a Native American response to the Bush administration's
climate-change policies is one of the conference's goals.
North American tribes have started to fight U.S. climate-change
policies that they perceive as harmful.
In 2005, an Inuit group filed suit against the U.S. government, claiming that the government's failure to curb greenhouse gases was destroying the Inuits' culture and environment.
Last month's U.N. climate-change conference in Nairobi concluded that the planet's poorest people produce the fewest greenhouse gas-causing emissions but are bearing the brunt of global warming's harms. Indigenous rights groups complained that the conference largely overlooked their concerns.
For a member of the Navajo Nation living without running water or electricity, "their carbon footprint is a lot smaller than someone maybe who lives in Phoenix," said Johns, an environmental activist and conference speaker. "How do you communicate that?"
Vail arsonists to be sentenced
Two individuals that have been accused of
setting the 1998 fire at the Vail, Colorado ski resort will
be sentenced in court in December on 8 counts of arson that
occured from the fire that caused over $12 million in damage.
Chelsea Gerlach and Stanislas Meyerhoff, both 29 years old,
were arraigned recently in US federal court in Eugene, Oregon.
The two women are to enter pleas and be sentenced on Decemeber
14th, when they are also to be sentenced for other arson-related
crimes to which they pleaded guilty in July, 2006.
Under the plea deals, both individuals have agreed to have their Colorado charges transferred to Oregon to be settled along with their other federal arson cases.
In the 1998 attack on Vail Ski Resort, the investigators found empty plastic jugs that had contained gasoline near the fires at the Vail ski resort that destroyed three new buildings including the lodge at the top of the mountain and the Two Elk restaurant, a favorite hot-spot for snow skiers returning from the Siberia and China bowls, along with damaging four ski lifts.
Federal Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms investigators found
numerous points around the structures where the fires were
set.
In an e-mail communique attributed to the Earth Liberation
Front known as ELF, a radical environmental group that said
the fire was retaliation for Vail's planned expansion on
to 4,100 acres of national forest land.
The site was listed as among the last Canada lynx habitat in Colorado.
Since then, more than 100 lynx have been released in Colorado and for the past three years, those lynx have produced young and the ski resort has completed the expansion.
The Vail crimes focused national attention on radical environmentalists who credited their attacks to the secretive ELF and Animal Liberation Front. The Vail fires are one of 18 separate attacks charged to a group of 13 people between 1996 and 2001.
Meyerhoff, who renounced ELF, earlier pleaded guilty to 54 charges related to seven separate attacks in a plea deal for a recommendation from federal prosecutors that he be sentenced to 15 years and eight months, according to court records.
As part of his deal, authorities in Michigan, Arizona, Washington, Wyoming and California will not prosecute potential cases against him, court records showed.
Gerlach pleaded guilty to 18 charges in five separate attacks.
She has apologized for the harm and fear created by her actions, which she said were motivated by "a deep sense of despair and anger at the deteriorating state of the global environment."
Prosecutors have recommended Gerlach get a 10-year sentence.
Authorities in Wyoming, Washington and California agreed not to pursue potential cases against Gerlach, according to court records.
Of the 13 defendants, six have pleaded guilty, four face
trial and three are fugitives.
Bush administration's hotly controversial warrantless surveillance programs
A federal judge in Eugene wants to know whether the government
used warrantless wiretaps to investigate a group of radical
environmentalists charged with committing more than a dozen
acts of sabotage in Oregon and the West between 1996 and
2001. Since indictments were issued last year, six defendants
have brokered plea agreements in exchange for testimony,
leaving four non-cooperating witnesses headed for trial,
three fugitives and one defendant who committed suicide
in jail.
The mainstream media paid no attention to U.S. District
Judge Ann Aiken's ruling last week telling federal prosecutors
to respond to questions about surveillance. But it's significant
for two reasons. First, it makes way for a new challenge
to the Bush administration's hotly controversial warrantless
surveillance programs. The administration insists that it
has the constitutional authority to spy on terrorists without
judges' approval; this case would most likely provide the
first challenge to that stance involving a domestic "terror"
case. Second, the issue could ultimately unravel the high-profile
charges against a group of activists associated with the
Earth Liberation Front, which the government has portrayed
as one of the most serious "terrorist" threats to domestic
tranquility. "It's going to be embarrassing...for the government
if they find out they've used warrantless surveillance,"
says Lewis & Clark Law School professor John Parry, who
specializes in criminal and constitutional law. "They're
going to have some explaining to do." Facing Aiken's Sept.
12 deadline, the government may simply refuse to respond,
most likely citing something called the state secret privilege-a
tactic Aiken may or may not buy. If the government does
testify that it used warrantless surveillance, the judge
will have a chance to rule on the big question: whether
the wiretaps, approved with nothing more than the president's
OK, violate Fourth Amendment guarantees to freedom from
unreasonable searches and seizures. If the judge rules that
investigators' methods broke the law, then the resulting
evidence could be excluded. Depending on how much evidence
was gathered-directly or indirectly-through the use of warrantless
wiretaps or other electronic surveillance, prosecutors may
have a hard time continuing their case. "The entire case
could be thrown out," says Lauren Regan, executive director
of the Civil Liberties Defense Center in Eugene, which has
assisted in the defense. Assistant U.S. Attorney Stephen
Peifer said he could not comment on the case.
The Bush administration's warrantless surveillance program
came to light in a New York Times report in December 2005.
The paper reported that shortly after Sept. 11, 2001, President
Bush gave the go-ahead for federal investigators to eavesdrop,
without a warrant from a judge, on Americans' electronic
communications with people overseas. The administration
is adamant that it has the constitutional authority to snoop
on international terrorists-and though the Eugene eco-sabotage
case appears to be an entirely domestic matter, investigators
have made a point of alleging that ELF has international
connections. Since news of the warrantless wiretaps broke,
dozens of civil lawsuits have been filed against the Adminstration,
including one by an Oregon-based Islamic charity, decrying
the program as a slap at civil liberties. Two weeks ago,
a federal district court judge in Detroit issued the first
opinion in a civil case declaring the program unconstitutional.
The criminal case in Eugene presents an advantage to the
defense not offered in the civil matters: If warrantless
surveillance was indeed used, the government, not the defendants,
bears the burden of proof. The prosecutors must show that
illegal means weren't used to gather evidence. In motions
before Aiken, defense attorneys have asserted that the government's
repeated references to terrorism are a strong sign that
warrantless surveillance played a role in the investigation.
Last May, a deputy assistant director of the FBI testified
before Congress that the ELF and the related Animal Liberation
Front represent "one of today's most serious domestic terrorism
threats." The "terror" label made investigators' jobs easier
in the Oregon case, giving them access to terrorism task
forces and interstate warrants. Of course, the defendants
haven't actually been charged with terrorism. Instead, the
indictment lists arson, conspiracy, use of a destructive
device and destruction of an energy facility. But court
documents repeatedly refer to the crimes as acts of terrorism,
and federal prosecutors have sought sentence "enhancements"
earmarked for offenses involving terrorism. So why include
eco-saboteurs under the banner of terrorism? For one, it
may be easier to bag an "eco-terrorist" than a member of
an al Qaeda cell. And as the definition of "terror" grows,
the zeal to guard against it may spread to other crimes.
"If you can do [warrantless surveillance] for these guys,
who can't you do it for?" Parry says. "If this is part of
the war on terror, then I think this is a much broader war
than anyone ever imagined."
Craig Subpoenaed to Federal Grand Jury in Eugene; ELF Investigation Continues..
NEWS ADVISORY February 15, 2006
Craig Rosebraugh Subpoenaed to Federal Grand Jury in Eugene, Oregon; ELF Investigation Continues
PORTLAND, OR - On Tuesday, February 14, 2006, Craig Rosebraugh received a subpoena to testify before a federal grand jury currently convened in Eugene, Oregon investigating a series of actions committed by the Earth Liberation Front.
Federal agents approached Rosebraugh as he sat in his vehicle and demanded he roll down his window, presumably to accept the subpoena. He refused, rolled up the windows, locked the doors, and cranked the stereo. After yelling at him, the agents left the subpoena on his windshield.
The grand jury subpoena - the eighth Rosebraugh has received in the last nine years - commands him to appear in Eugene to testify at 9:00am on March 16, 2006.
Investigating ELF actions that occurred between 1996 and 2001, the grand jury convened in Eugene is responsible for indicting eleven people in January 2006 in connection with ELF activity throughout the Pacific Northwest and Colorado.
Rosebraugh served as an unofficial spokesperson for the ELF from 1997 through 2001. Receiving anonymous communiqués from the underground activists, he released the information to the news media and conducted interviews internationally in support of the group. In 2000, Rosebraugh co-formed the North American Earth Liberation Front Press Office (NAELFPO), a media resource organization based in Portland, Oregon. In February 2002, Rosebraugh was subpoenaed and appeared in front of the US Congress in a subcommittee hearing on "ecoterrorism." He pled the Fifth Amendment at the proceeding to 54 out of 56 questions, effectively stonewalling the hearing.
Witnesses subpoenaed to testify before federal grand juries are not allowed to be accompanied by their attorney inside the proceedings, nor are they allowed to rely upon their Fifth Amendment privilege and remain silent. Witness that do plead the 5th and remain silent are commonly forced to take immunity at which time they must answer all questions that fall under the scope of the immunity. Witnesses refusing to answer any question under the scope of immunity usually are jailed for contempt and held for up to eighteen months or the remaining length of the grand jury.
For the last nine years, Rosebraugh has consistently resisted the grand jury inquisitions, refusing to cooperate and provide any information to investigators.
FBI Arrests 3 Suspected ELF Members In Placer Co.In Fire's Wake, Logging Study Inflames Debate University Study Challenges Cutting Of Burnt Timber
By Blaine Harden
Washington Post
February 27, 2006
MEDFORD, Ore. -- If fire ravages a national forest, as happened here in southwest Oregon when the Biscuit fire torched a half-million acres four years ago, the Bush administration believes loggers should move in quickly, cut marketable trees that remain and replant a healthy forest.
"We must quickly restore the areas that have been damaged by fire," President Bush said in Oregon four years ago after touring damage from the Biscuit fire. He called it "common sense."
Common sense, though, may not always be sound science. An Oregon State University study has raised an extraordinary ruckus in the Pacific Northwest this winter by saying that logging burned forests does not make much sense.Logging after the Biscuit fire, the study found, has harmed forest recovery and increased fire risk. What the short study did not say -- but what many critics of the Bush administration are reading into it -- is that the White House has ignored science to please the timber industry. The study is consistent with research findings from around the world that have documented how salvage logging can strip burned forests of the biological diversity that fire and natural recovery help protect.The study also questions the scientific rationale behind a bill pending in Congress that would ease procedures for post-fire logging in federal forests. This, in turn, has annoyed the bill's lead sponsor, Rep. Greg Walden (R-Ore.), who has received far more campaign money from the forest products industry than from any other source, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics.Logging after fires is becoming more and more important to the bottom line of timber companies. It generates about 40 percent of timber volume on the nation's public lands, according to Forest Service data compiled by the World Wildlife Fund, and accounts for nearly half the logging on public land in Oregon.But there is much more to the dispute than money. The Oregon State study was published in Science, the prestigious peer-reviewed journal. It appeared after a group of professors from the university's College of Forestry, which gets 10 percent of its funding from the timber industry, tried to halt its publication.Professors behind the failed attempt to keep the article out of Science had earlier written their own non-peer-reviewed study of the Biscuit fire -- a study embraced by the Bush administration and the timber industry. It said post-fire logging and replanting were exactly what was needed to speed growth of big trees and suppress fire.A couple of weeks after the Science article appeared and infuriated the forest industry, the federal Bureau of Land Management, which footed the bill for the study of the Biscuit fire, cut off the final year of the three-year, $300,000 grant. BLM officials said the authors violated their funding contract by attempting to influence legislation pending in Congress.After the cutoff, Democrats in the Northwest congressional delegation complained about government censorship, academic freedom and the politicization of science in the Bush administration. Within a week, the BLM backed down and restored the grant.
Oregon State University has officially scolded the forestry professors for inappropriate behavior and praised the authors of the Science article.
Still, the issue is far from over.
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On Friday here in Medford, there was a field hearing of the House subcommittee on forests and forest health, which is chaired by Walden, chief sponsor of the forest recovery bill that was cast in a dim light by the Science article.
In this corner of Oregon, where environmentalists and logging interests have been jousting for decades, jawboning about forest policy is a spectator sport. The hearing, held in Medford City Hall, was so packed with spectators that the fire marshal insisted it could begin only after he delivered a stern lecture on emergency exits.
The hearing's star witness -- and principal punching bag -- was Daniel Donato, lead author of the Science article and a graduate student at Oregon State's forestry school. By at least a decade, he was the youngest participant in the hearing. Rail thin and wearing neatly pressed khakis, he looked even younger.
Walden accused Donato, 29, of having failed to tell his federal research supervisor about the findings of his study, as is required by the terms of his research contract with the federal government. Donato conceded that he had not known about the requirement for consultation and that he knows more about it now.
Rep. Brian Baird (D-Wash.), another member of the subcommittee and a co-sponsor of the forest recovery bill, was even more disgruntled. He charged Donato with a long list of professional failings and character flaws, including "deliberate bias," lack of humility and ignorance of statistical theory.
Donato smiled nervously through these attacks and politely -- but firmly -- told the hearing that his article was solid on its facts and fair in its conclusions. He also said the forest study should not be viewed as, nor was it intended to be, the final word on post-fire logging.
After Donato was excused, one of the nation's best-known forest ecologists attempted to summarize the world's collective scientific knowledge on logging after fires. Jerry Franklin, a professor of ecosystem science at the University of Washington's College of Forest Resources, warned the hearing that Congress should be careful not to prescribe salvage logging as a cure-all for every forest fire.
Salvage logging and replanting can often succeed, Franklin said, if the intent is to turn a scorched landscape into a stand of trees for commercial harvest.
If, however, Congress wants to promote the ecologically sound recovery of burned federal forests, Franklin said, the overwhelming weight of scientific research suggests that "salvage logging is not going to be appropriate."
Alleged Plot To Blow Up Cell Towers And Power Plants
(JAN 13 2006 CBS 13) SACRAMENTO The F.B.I. has foiled an alleged plot to blow up cell towers, power plants and U.S. Forest Service sites by arresting three suspected ELF members in Placer County.
The FBI made the arrests this morning after a long investigation. 20-year-old Zachary Jenson of Monroe, Washington, 20-year-old Lauren Weiner of Philadelphia and 28-year-old Eric Taylor McDavid of Foresthill, California were taken into custody in a shopping center parking lot in Auburn. The FBI says the three were acting on behalf of the Earth Liberation Front.
The FBI says the arrests were based on evidence that the three were plotting to use explosives to blow up several sites. Their alleged targets included facilities owned by the United State Forest Service, cell towers and power plants. Although, the FBI says they do not believe there was any immediate danger to the public.
The federal government calls the Earth Liberation Front an environmental terrorist group with no known leader. They have claimed responsibility for dozens of attacks that have caused an estimated $40 million in damage.
This is not the first ELF arrest in Placer County. In February of last year, 21-year-old Ryan Lewis of Newcastle was arrested in connection with a series of explosive devices found at several Placer County sites. The FBI says he also was acting on behalf of the ELF.
Canada to Extradite Eco-Terror Suspect
VANCOUVER, British Columbia - A court on Thursday ordered the extradition of suspected eco-terrorist Tre Arrow (search), one of the FBI's most-wanted fugitives, to face firebombing charges in the United States.
Arrow, born Michael Scarpitti is accused of participating in the 2001 firebombing of logging and cement trucks in Oregon. The FBI claims he is associated with the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), a group that has claimed responsibility for dozens of acts of destruction over the past few years.
British Columbia Supreme Court Judge Kristi Gill ruled that there was enough evidence against Arrow to have him extradited to face federal charges. His lawyer said he would appeal, a process that could take months.
The former U.S. Green Party candidate for Congress in 2000 - who says the trees told him to change his name - last week told the court that he was innocent of the charges and a target of a government conspiracy.
"I am innocent of the charges the U.S. government is trying to pin on me," Arrow said. "Just as many other activists have experienced, I am being targeted by the U.S. government and the FBI, not because I am guilty but because I have chosen to challenge the status quo."
In extradition cases, Canadian prosecutors represent the extraditing state, in this case the United States. For an extradition to be ordered, the B.C. Supreme Court had to find there was sufficient evidence to convict Arrow on the same charges in Canada.
Prosecutor Rosellina Patillo said evidence from the United States Attorney in Oregon indicated Arrow was among four conspirators involved in the bombings of a gravel company and a logging company between April and June of 2001. The evidence comes from statements of Arrow's three coconspirators who have pleaded guilty to the bombings at a Mount Hood logging company.
The suspects intended to firebomb a U.S. Forest Service office, but abandoned the idea after they found the security system was too tight, Patillo said.She said the Ross Island Gravel Company was targeted "because it was guilty of stealing soil from the earth." In that attack, three trucks were blown up and the damage was $200,000. The second attack, on June 1, 2001, was against a Mount Hood logging company. They placed incendiary devices under seven vehicles, damaging three at a cost of $50,000.She said that in each case, the incendiary device was a plastic container filled with gas; the fuse was a stick of incense with matches attached to it.
Arrow's lawyer, Tim Russell, contends the evidence against him from his coconspirators is hearsay and inadmissible in a Canadian court.Arow is seeking refugee status in Canada, but that process has been suspended pending the outcome of the extradition hearings, his lawyer said.The 30-year-old Arrow contends he won't get a fair trial in the United States because of the FBI's assertion that his alleged crimes are acts of terrorism. He faces federal charges in Oregon of using fire to commit a felony, destroying vehicles used in interstate commerce and using incendiary devices in a crime of violence. The charges carry up to a combined 80 years in prison.
FBI Settles With Environmentalist
Josh Connole was mistakenly jailed in connection with SUV arsons. He will receive $100,000.
By David Rosenzweig
Times Staff Writer November 15, 2005
The FBI has agreed to pay $100,000 and issue a letter of regret to an environmental activist who was mistakenly jailed as a suspect in a string of arsons and vandalism at four SUV dealerships in the San Gabriel Valley in 2003, his lawyers said Monday.Josh Connole, who spent four days behind bars before being freed, sued the FBI, contending his civil rights had been violated and his reputation destroyed.
The attacks, carried out in the name of the radical Earth Liberation Front, destroyed or damaged more than 125 SUVs. A Caltech graduate student, William Cottrell, was later convicted and sentenced to prison in the case.Had Connole's suit gone to trial, the FBI would have been up against testimony from a former federal prosecutor who said she warned an FBI supervisor that his agents had no probable cause to arrest Connole. The 27-year-old Connole, who now lives in Oregon, said Monday he was pleased with the settlement and hoped it would send a message to the law enforcement community that "you can't throw people's civil rights out the window in the name of fighting terrorism."Connole's attorneys, William Paparian and John Burton, said the $100,000 payment was arrived at following negotiations mediated by a U.S. magistrate judge in Los Angeles. They said the FBI agreed to issue a letter of regret but that the language was still being worked out.
Assistant U.S. Atty. Richard Patrick, who represented the FBI in the talks, did not return phone calls seeking comment.
In a deposition in September, former Assistant U.S. Atty. Beverly Reid O'Connell, now a Los Angeles County Superior Court judge, recalled receiving an urgent phone call during the early hours of Sept. 12, 2003, three weeks after the attacks, from FBI senior supervisor Edward Ochotorena, seeking a green light to arrest Connole.Connole, who was under 24-hour surveillance at the time, had just driven to the Pomona police headquarters to report that he was being followed by strange men in unmarked cars."We have a situation going on out here. We have officer safety issues. I'm going to arrest him," O'Connell quoted Ochotorena as telling her.
"You don't have probable cause to arrest him. I'm not giving you our authority and you better document it," O'Connell said she told the agent.O'Connell said their conversation was heated. "I was yelling at him," she said.
Notwithstanding her warning, Ochotorena directed a team of FBI agents to arrest Connole immediately. Connole was taken to an FBI office in West Covina for questioning and booked into the West Covina Police Department jail on suspicion of arson.
West Covina police, who participated in Connole's arrest, have apologized, saying they regretted the notoriety he had received. The city gave Connole $20,000 to settle a damage claim.
During a deposition taken in July, Ochotorena said he felt no need to apologize and refused to concede that Connole was innocent, despite the fact that he is no longer a suspect in the case. "I don't have any evidence that places him at the scene, but by the same token, I don't have any evidence that says with 100% certainty, as you put it, that he was not involved in the crime," Ochotorena said.Ochotorena went on to suggest there was a "remote possibility" that Connole might have been involved in the "planning or execution or otherwise on the periphery of the crime."The FBI official noted that a law enforcement bloodhound had led his handler to Connole's doorstep after being exposed to a scent from a cigarette lighter that was recovered from the scene of one arson attack. Ochotorena said the dog's "hit" still troubles him.Burton and Paparian contended the dog-sniffing evidence was nothing more than a "Rin Tin Tin fantasy." In the lawsuit, they said there is no scientific basis for taking a weeks-old scent from an object like a cigarette lighter, have a dog distinguish it from other human scents and follow it to the owner.
"The literature is replete with instances of a dog appearing to follow a scent when it is, in fact, taking cues from its handler," they argued.Connole came to the FBI's attention after television stations broadcast footage of a roaring blaze at a Hummer dealership in West Covina the night of Aug. 22, 2003. The next day, a woman telephoned the FBI to report her suspicions about a small group of environmentalists who lived as a collective across from her home in Pomona. She said she had seen cars with out-of-state license plates parked on the street on the night of the arsons.
Connole, who grew up in Orange County, lived at the address as part of a cooperative called Regen V, which stood for regeneration of energy. He drove an electric-powered car, installed solar panels and was active in the antiwar movement.FBI Agent Stanley Snock, assigned to head the investigation, said during his deposition that he ordered a stakeout of three houses occupied by the co-op's members. He said their names were turned over to an FBI investigative analyst who keeps tabs on domestic terror groups.
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The analyst, a civilian FBI employee, provided information that "led me to believe Mr. Connole probably had beliefs that would be conducive to someone who might perpetrate an ELF [Earth Liberation Front] action," Snock said.Asked to explain, Snock said that besides belonging to a collective that was "very pro-environment," Connole was affiliated with Food Not Bombs, a movement that espouses diverting money from the military to feed the world's hungry.
The agent acknowledged, however, that he knew of no link between Food Not Bombs and domestic terrorism.
Indictment lists arson at UW, attacks on cropland
By Craig Welch- Seattle Times staff reporter
Before environmental saboteurs set fire to the University
of Washington's Center for Urban Horticulture in 2001, they
ravaged canola crops in Eastern Washington and sliced open
hybrid trees in Oregon, according to a new federal indictment
released Thursday. The activists had decided a year before
to focus on genetically engineered crops, and had debated
targets during a secret meeting in Tucson, Ariz., the indictment
filed in U.S. District Court in Seattle alleges. Then, sometime
before dawn on May 21, 2001, five arsonists fire-bombed
the UW horticulture center, destroying several endangered
plants along with it, the indictment charges. Four people,
Briana Waters, 30, Justin Solondz, 26, Josephine Overaker,
31, and Kevin Tubbs, 37, were indicted Wednesday in crimes
associated with either the UW fire or another arson in Olympia.
Before Wednesday, only Waters had been charged specifically
in the UW fire. The new indictment adds Solondz as an alleged
participant in the UW fire. That makes three named suspects
in that fire. The third, William Rodgers, an Arizona bookstore
owner, committed suicide in an Arizona jail cell in December.Prosecutors
say there were five arsonists; the two others have not been
publicly named. The newest indictment was filed 10 days
before a statute of limitations was to run out on the most
serious UW offense - use of a destructive device in a crime
of violence, in this case jugs of gasoline hooked up to
timers. Waters and Solondz both face that charge now. The
U.S. Attorney has charged Overaker and Tubbs in connection
with an Olympia arson, but they have not been specifically
charged in the UW fire. But all the suspects have been previously
charged in connection with a string of environmental crimes
across the West between 1996 and 2001. An additional 11
people also have been charged in those crimes, ranging from
a fire at an Olympia wildlife laboratory, to the toppling
of an electrical transmission tower in Oregon to a $12 million
arson at a ski resort in Vail, Colo.
The new indictment says Waters, Solondz, Overaker and Tubbs,
along with Rodgers, set out in early 2000 to recruit more
activists to their cause, holding a series of clandestine
meetings in four states to discuss tactics. In one meeting
in Santa Cruz, Calif., one conspirator demonstrated how
to create a fire bomb, prosecutors allege. A few months
later, they contend, Solondz and others visited a Monsanto
canola farm in Dusty, Whitman County, and ruined five acres
of the crop. The next spring, prosecutors allege, Solondz
and others cut the bark of 800 hybrid poplar trees at three
farms in Corvallis, Ore., run by Oregon State University.
Authorities believe Solondz and Overaker are out of the
country. Waters is free pending trial. Tubbs is in jail
in Oregon awaiting trial.The horticulture center has since
been rebuilt, at a cost of $7 million.
Igniting a Revolution:
Voices in Defense of the Earth
Steven Best & Anthony J. Nocella, II
AK Press
674A 23rd Street, Oakland, CA 94612
Global warming, acid rain, deforestation, air and water pollution are but a few of the overwhelming indicators that the earth's heath is worsening. For decades, environmental groups have been resisting the destructive trends set by industry and government, but as the social and political climate has changed, popular protest movements have become less and less effective.As the Earth's situation worsens, those opposing its destruction have-out of necessity-become incre a s i n g ly militant. Corporate and federal properties have been vandalized, set ablaze-even bombed-and the government is meeting this new brand of e nv i ronmental militance with an incre a s i n g ly heavy hand. In their second book, Igniting a Revolution, Steven Best and Anthony J. Nocella, II bring together a range of voices to explore the highly charged topic of radical environmentalism. In this collection, writers, academics, activists, present and former militants speak of the current radical environmental movement-the goals, successes, failures, and relationship with other movements and communities. Contributors include Derrick Je n s e n , Jo h n Zerzan, Jeffrey "Free" Luers, Robert Jensen, Ann Hansen, Marti Kheel, Ashanti Alston, Bron Taylor, Marilyn Buck, and a lengthy introduction by the editors, putting the environmental movement (its history and debates) into context for the reader.
SAN FRANCISCO, March 31, 2006 (AFP) - A mother that gives violin lessons will face trial in the northwestern US state of Washington on charges she was an environmental terrorist, prosecutors said on Friday.
Violinist mom charged with being US environmental terrorist
SAN FRANCISCO, March 31, 2006 (AFP) - A mother that gives violin lessons will face trial in the northwestern US state of Washington on charges she was an environmental terrorist, prosecutors said on Friday. Briana Waters, 30, of the famously liberal California city of Berkeley, has pleaded innocent in a Seattle federal court that she that fire bombed a horticulture center in 2001. A US district court judge allowed Waters to remain free pending the start of her trial in June, but ordered that she turn in her passport and have her whereabouts monitored electronically. Waters was the first person charged in connection with an attack that destroyed the Center for Urban Horticulture at the University of Washington in May of 2001, according to Emily Langlie of the US Attorney's Office. The fire was one of a series of arson attacks in the Pacific west that police believe were committed by militant environmental activists linked to the Earth Liberation Front and the Animal Liberation Front. "This is just one step as we attempt to bring to justice those responsible for the UW Urban Horticulture fire," said John McKay, United States Attorney for the Western District of Washington. "As we move toward the five-year anniversary of that devastating blaze, I applaud the investigators who have worked so doggedly and diligently to put the pieces of the puzzle together." Federal prosecutors indicted 13 people last year in connection with arsons branded as "domestic terror." Two of those people were part of "an overarching conspiracy" to fire bomb the horticulture center, prosecutors said. A mother and a self-employed violin teacher, Waters' background included being a "tree-sitter" who perched in branches to save ancient trees from logging. Waters would face a mandatory minimum punishment of 35 years in prison if convicted as charged with arson and using a destructive device to commit a violent crime.
Pair Plead Guilty in Ecoterror Bombing
Two women pleaded guilty in Tacoma to conspiracy, arson and bomb charges in the 2001 firebombing of the University of Washington's horticulture center, which was studying hybrid poplars. Jennifer Kolar, 33, and Lacey Phillabaum, 31, were released without bail after entering the pleas. Authorities said the two turned themselves in and have cooperated with ongoing investigations. Under their plea agreements, prosecutors will ask the court to sentence Kolar to five to seven years in prison and Phillabaum to three to five years.
Indictment says arsonist taught trade to others
By Seth Hettena ASSOCIATED PRESS SAN DIEGO - Federal prosecutors
unsealed an indictment Wednesday charging an environmental
activist with teaching others how to start an arson fire.
Prosecutors said Rodney Coronado gave the lecture in 2003,
hours after a $50 million fire destroyed a big apartment
complex in the costliest act of ecoterrorism in U.S. history.
The indictment, however, does not link Coronado to that
fire.
Coronado, 39, was arrested Wednesday in Tucson, Ariz., on
a charge of distribution of information relating to explosives,
destructive devices and weapons of mass destruction. He
will be arraigned there today.
Defense attorney Antonio Felix of Tucson did not return
a message left seeking comment.
Coronado previously served four years in federal prison
for a 1992 blaze at a Michigan animal research facility.
Daniel Dzwilewski, the agent in charge of the San Diego
FBI office, alleged that Coronado was a national leader
of the radical Earth Liberation Front.
The 2003 fire destroyed a five-story, 206-unit apartment
complex, an underground parking garage and a construction
crane in the University City area of San Diego. No one was
injured.
A 12-foot banner found at the scene read "If you build it,
we will burn it" with the initials of the ELF. The group,
which only communicates with the news media by e-mail, issued
a brief statement in response to media inquiries, saying
the banner "is a legitimate claim of responsibility by the
Earth Liberation Front."
Coronado gave a talk on animal rights and militant environmental
activism in San Diego 15 hours later. Three animal rights
activists who attended the lecture were ordered jailed for
contempt for their refusal to testify before a grand jury
investigating the fire.
While he repeatedly insisted that he had no role in the
arson, Coronado has said he sympathized with the arsonists.
Describing himself as an unofficial ELF spokesman, Coronado
told the Associated Press at the time that young activists
are "doing the only thing they know to do and that is strike
a match and draw a whole lot of attention to their dissatisfaction
with protecting the environment."
Authorities said the charge on which Coronado was indicted
has only been used four times since it was written in 1997.
It carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison.
Coronado was previously sentenced to nearly five years in
prison for a crime in which he said he did not participate:
the 1992 firebombing of a Michigan State University laboratory
and the offices of two animal researchers. The blaze caused
$1.2 million in damage.
In December, a federal jury in Tucson convicted Coronado
of illegally entering the Sabino Canyon Recreation Area
to interfere with efforts to trap and relocate mountain
lions following public sightings. He faces up to 71/2 years
in prison when he's sentenced in March. That indictment
called Coronado a member of Earth First!
Somebody's Watching Me: Vancouver Activists Under Surveillance
I was heading out my front door on a sunny April afternoon, thinking only of catching the next bus downtown, when an overwhelming sense of dread nearly stopped me in my tracks. The hair stood up on the back of my neck. I turned my head and slowly scanned the street. It took a few moments before I realized I was surrounded by plainclothes police officers, and they were watching me.
Three new SUVs with tinted windows were lurking outside my apartment in a quiet residential neighbourhood near Vancouver. Inside the nearest, a clean-cut man wearing dark glasses was in the driver's seat, staring at me. I turned to find a man in his early forties walking toward me on the sidewalk. Pasty face, navy blue suit, black shoes, black briefcase, dark glasses and a Tom Selleck moustache: all that was missing was the badge. The agent was carrying two cups of coffee from the McDonald's two blocks away. Glancing up, he caught my eye. His mouth dropped open and he flinched, almost spilling the hot coffee. Then he lowered his eyes, clenched his jaw, and strode briskly past. I stared after him.
It was Tuesday, April 19th, 2005, and I made it to the bus stop on time, the agents following. I was convinced they were ready to bundle me into the back of one of the SUVs for a joyride to some unknown destination. I was thinking: "Shit! I'm going to jail! I'm going to miss work! Do I know any lawyers I can call?"
I should mention here that I'm not an "eco-terrorist." I'm not involved with any underground groups; I’ve never been accused or questioned about any serious crime. I write about eco-defense for radio and various websites and distribute the Earth First! Journal. My email is listed in the Journal’s contact pages, and I have spoken out to the media a couple of times in support of people accused of Earth Liberation Front actions.
Innocent people are often targeted by security agencies based solely on their political beliefs or association with other radicals. This report presents a snapshot of the tactics the police like to think of as "secret,” like spying on individuals and infiltrating groups. These tactics can be extremely dangerous and destructive, even for activists who have never committed a crime. By studying these incidents, we can start to dispel the mystery surrounding covert operations and begin to understand the big picture.
A few hours before I left my apartment and found the RCMP on my doorstep, I placed a call to Dr. Stephen Best, a philosophy professor at the University of Texas. Best is also the press officer for the Animal Liberation Front: he publishes news accounts of ALF-claimed actions on his website, www.animalliberationpressoffice.com. Like me, Best is not connected to those actions or to the anonymous people who commit them. I called Dr. Best to ask if he would consent to a phone interview on the air at CFRO. The agents arrived on the scene about two hours later.
For the next three days, ominous-looking SUVs cruised up and down the block, staked out my apartment, and followed me on my way to work and back home. On Friday, April 22nd (Earth Day), I phoned Best to confirm he was ready for the live interview. He was. I gathered my notes and jogged out to catch the bus. Several agents were waiting for me outside and my anxiety level jumped. What the hell were they going to do? Would they grab me before I could reach the radio station? Who would cover my broadcast time then?
The police followed me to Coop Radio, but they didn't interfere with the interview. The ALF press officer spoke forcefully about the reasons ALF members take action to liberate animals and sabotage vivisectors, and he made a powerful case for the need to strike back against torture and oppression. It was a crowd-pleaser, and the interview is archived online in its entirety at Radio 4 All.
The next morning I was relaxing, relieved that the show had gone so well. Then the phone rang. No one was on the line. It rang again. Then a third time. No one there. I thought nothing of it until later that afternoon, when I stepped out to find a lift truck and two men working on the phone lines across the street. As soon as I saw them, I knew they were bogus. That shiver went up my back again.
Flashback to September 1997. Eighteen world leaders were expected to drop in at the Leaders' Summit at the Asia Pacific Economic Conference in November at the University of British Columbia. Everyone in town was bracing for a thousand police officers and massive security preparations for the visiting heads of state, including US President Bill Clinton, Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Premier Jiang Zemin of China, and President Mohamed Suharto of Indonesia. Thousands of people were preparing to protest the new globalization deals these countries were making at the expense of human rights and natural resources. That September, activist groups in Vancouver were targeted for the largest security investigation and threat assessment in history. But we didn’t know that until after the conference was over.
There were signs, however, that something strange was going on. On a balmy late-summer day, I was strolling to the office at the Society Promoting Environmental Conservation (SPEC) in Kitsilano, when I noticed a lift truck and two men working on the phone lines across the street. What caught my attention was the odd name on the side of the lift truck. Instead of a phone company or any other utility; the foot-high block letters on the side of the truck spelled out U-N-D-E-R-C-O.
I wondered about that. Inside the office, I looked for Underco in the phone book. No listing. Curious, I called information and gave the operator the name. No listing, she said. Then who's working on the phone lines? No answer.
Underco worked on the phone lines for three days. When I mentioned it to some of my co-workers, they assumed I was over-reacting. But the reports that came out later specified that Canadian security forces were assessing the risk posed by a small group renting space in SPEC’s basement. For the next four years, Underco trucks could be found tinkering with the phone lines around activist spaces whenever the Prime Minister came to town.
The lift truck on my street that Saturday in April also had no phone or utility company logo anywhere on the equipment. The crew was wearing t-shirts and jeans, but no hard-hats or safety vests. The truck had no flashing lights or safety cones, even though it was parked in a traffic lane. This truck, though, didn’t have Underco on the side. The name on the truck and the lift was Alltech (or Altech – it was spelled both ways). Other than that, it was strangely similar to to the Underco operation.
Agents in SUVs and trucks labeled “Underco” don’t seem very covert to the informed observer. But surveillance operations in Vancouver range from the obvious to the subtle. Occasionally, court cases and inquiries reveal the extent of police activities, including who was targeted and what information was gathered. A handful of high-profile trials in recent years reveal exactly how surveillance was carried out in Vancouver. One such case in 1985 focused on five members of an underground network in Vancouver.
Ann Hansen was one of the five convicted of arson, conspiracy, weapons violations and other charges. She and four compatriots made up the Vancouver-based Direct Action and Wimmins Fire Brigade cells, which were responsible for firebombing a Litton missile parts factory in Toronto, a Vancouver Red Hot Video outlet, and a hydro station near Squamish. The group is also known as the Squamish Five, and they were under surveillance for many months before their arrests.
After her release from jail, Hansen published Direct Action: Memoirs of an Urban Guerrilla (2001, AK Press.) She compiled this description of the Vancouver "Watchers" from police reports: “(A)n odd assortment of people were in the room. Sitting at the front were an older Chinese couple, speaking in Chinese, who looked just like any immigrants you would see in the Chinese market area of the Downtown Eastside. A couple of young women with permed hair and polyester pants would have blended in perfectly in any mall. A large Italian-looking man got up and poured himself some coffee. He would definitely not pass the fitness section of the RCMP examination . . . The remaining five shared the one common feature of the groups: it looked like they would never pass a test to become a police officer.” (Direct Action, p. 293.)
The Watchers made mistakes, though, and members of Direct Action became concerned they were under surveillance. In 1982, Brent Taylor and Hansen reported on an encounter with a woman who followed them into a lumber store in Burnaby and back out again. Later that day, they spotted the same woman miles away in Vancouver. “Ann and I decided to go out across the street and stand beside her, like we were waiting for the bus, just to see what she would do.” The woman walked off, Hansen and Taylor following. She turned a corner, almost at a run, and they saw her muttering into her lapel. Moments later, a pickup truck drove up and she jumped in. “(A)s soon as we started driving around the neighbourhood of Tenth and Main we see the same lady and a man in the pickup, still tearing around the area, as though they were looking for us. . . “ (Direct Action, p. 446-7.)
Despite the evidence from this encounter and others, Direct Action carried on with its plans. Ann explains: “Unless we had one hundred percent proof that we were under surveillance, we had put too much time and money and, most importantly, our lives into this to pack up and quit.” (Direct Action, p. 448.) The decision to continue the group’s activities even though they suspected they were being tailed likely meant the diference between freedom and prison for Ann Hansen, Brent Taylor, Julie Belmas, Gerry Hannah and Doug Stewart.
Direct Action was targeted because police suspected its members were carrying out serious acts of economic sabotage. But spies and infiltrators also take aim at community activists, human rights workers, and peaceful protestors. At the APEC conference, the targets were mainly students who wanted their demands for democracy and human rights to be visible to the world leaders.
In November 1997, dozens of SUVs with tinted windows swarmed over the UBC campus around the clock. The tent city near the Student Union was under scrutiny every minute. RCMP officers even staged a daring daylight raid to grab the man they considered the leader of the protestors, Jaggi Singh – no doubt in the belief that if they snatched the lead anarchist, the rest would not be able to organize themselves effectively.
Secret Service agents from the US and their equivalents from Canada and sixteen other countries were all on the same mission: to assess the risk posed by students and community activists holding signs. The agents were easy to spot. But the police also employed infiltrators to spy on the groups from within.
Long before the summit day, paid informants infiltrated the groups organizing the protests. The RCMP knew all about the plan to march to the security fence at the Rose Garden near the summit site at the Museum of Anthropology. Initially designated a safe-protest zone, the area was later declared off-limits, and the sturdy perimeter fencing was swapped out for a section of floppy wire mesh attached to tall poles using plastic fasteners. As the first of four thousand marchers approached the fence, over a hundred riot police sidestepped away, leaving a clear channel open to the fence. One of the first marchers to reach it was a young woman who grabbed the fence with both hands and began to pull herself up. The entire section of fence collapsed in an instant and the riot squads piled in from both sides with batons and pepper spray, assaulting people viciously and indiscriminately. I was one of the first people grabbed, knocked down and pepper-sprayed, even though I was 20 meters away from the fence. Chaos erupted as people panicked, but long hours of non-violence training prevailed. Within minutes, the entire crowd was sitting on the cold wet ground. This tactic prevented people being trampled in a stampede, and eliminated any provocation the police may have needed to continue the beatings.
The cops backed off. The crowd was bruised, cold, pepper-sprayed, and angry. Organizers, however, had prepared the groups for violence, and some had also foreseen the possibility of being prevented from reaching the Rose Garden, the point at which the banners and signs would have been visible to the motorcade passing below.
The crowd didn’t sit still for long. Soon they re-organized with a new plan: to block the three exits from Museum by sitting down on the roadways. Over a thousand people streamed away from the Rose Garden in different directions, but the police were not able to redeploy as quickly. (We learned later that a whole contingent of riot cops got lost en route to the least-defended exit.) As the summit wound down that afternoon, police finally honed in on the target group of protestors occupying the road to the west of the Museum. With no time remaining before the motorcades were scheduled to depart with the visiting heads of state, riot police made the infamous decision to give only a few seconds warning before charging the crowd and hosing them with blasts of pepper spray. By day’s end, dozens were arrested and hundreds pepper-sprayed and beaten. The confidential informants were never identified and they disappeared from the scene.
In contrast, Earth First! positively identified one infiltrator in 1999, although it is still not clear whether he was working for the police or the logging industry. “Bad Dave” showed up one day at a peace camp and logging blockade north of Squamish on the Elaho River. Dave was an outgoing American who liked to brag about the radical environmentalists he claimed to know. There were some definite problems with Dave - at one point he tried to incite people to attack a security guard by making up a story that the man had threatened him. (The security guards were actually more afraid of us than we were of them.) Later, Dave learned I was a contact person for Earth First!, and he tried to interrogate me about the group, demanding names of people involved and so on. I became suspicious, but by then it was too late. The next morning, Dave had vanished, along with thousands of dollars in climbing gear and video equipment, plus all the videotapes he could find.
Information soon came to light that positively identified Dave as an infiltrator using a number of aliases. We posted his picture, description and names on a web site, and for the next two years, we received reports about him from across the continent. At a Rainbow Gathering, he used some kind of knockout drops to incapacitate a friend of mine and make off with his video equipment and other valuables. He was kicked out of a Buffalo Field Campaign camp in Wyoming for suspicious behaviour and evicted from an Earth First! Gathering in California where he was trying to set up major marijuana deals despite a strict “no drugs” policy. We tracked Dave for two years until he disappeared in 2001.
Covert investigations rely on human spies, but they also use high-tech surveillance to scrutinize activists. One type of listening device is about 25 cm long with a wireless transmitter and a large battery pack. In 1995, Vancouver activists David Barbarash and Darren Thurston discovered two such devices planted in their East Side apartment and in their car. At the time, the two men were being shadowed by Watchers and other covert operatives, to the extent that the quiet side street they lived on was sometimes jammed with cars belonging to different agencies and their spies. Court documents revealed they were followed by agents on foot and on bicycles, and two operatives infiltrated La Quena, a Commercial Drive coffeehouse, and made an attempt to entrap the pair by encouraging them to commit serious crimes. Fortunately, Barbarash and Thurston did not take the bait.
Barbarash and Thurston published a booklet, “Activism on Trial” detailing their experience. They wrote: “Electronic interception included the collection and monitoring of thousands of emails, fax and phone communications at a variety of residences and offices. It has been discovered that over 5,300 hours of electronic transmissions were taped over a one-year period and remain in RCMP custody . . . The culmination of these years of harassment and surveillance came in 1997 when Barbarash and Thurston discovered listening devices in a home and a vehicle. Within a couple of days, the RCMP executed full search warrants on their homes, as well as other places their belongings were stored.”
“As an additional part of the harassment campaign, activists from the US, Britain and Canada have been visited by both CSIS and the RCMP and asked to provide statements against the pair, as well as to provide information about animal rights and anti-fascist organizing in general.”
Barbarash and Thurston were charged in 1998 with mailing letters containing razor blades to bear hunting outfits in British Columbia. Despite all the evidence the RCMP gathered and seized, the charges were dropped after preliminary hearings and never went to trial. But the police didn’t let up; in 2002, members of a special unit kicked in Barbarash’s door while he was away and carted off his computer, files, discs, books and letters. A judge later threw out the search warrant and no charges were laid.
Barbarash was the press officer for the Animal Liberation Front while he was under investigation, but he stepped down from the position years ago and moved to a small town on the coast. Thurston, on the other hand, is currently in a Portland jail. He was indicted in January 2006 after a series of FBI raids picked up eleven people now accused of ELF-claimed sabotage cases, some of which had remained unsolved for up to eight years. Now the FBI claims they’ve broken those cases wide open, thanks to – you guessed it – paid informants.
Another grand jury in Portland indicted a well-known environmental activist in 2001. For years, Tre Arrow used high-profile but non-violent civil disobedience tactics that succeeded in winning protection for several threatened old-growth forests. He was charged in connection with the burning of cement trucks and logging trucks, and his accuser was an alleged co-conspirator turned informant who traded a much-reduced sentence for claims that Arrow was the mastermind. Arrow was a fugitive for two years until he was arrested in Victoria BC, where he is petitioning for refugee status and fighting extradition to the US.
An extensive network of friends and supporters across Canada and the US have come together to defend Arrow, who is regarded as a hero by many environmentalists. Arrow insists he is innocent and that he is being persecuted because he is an effective activist, and says he should be considered a political prisoner. I visited Arrow in detention in 2004 while I was writing about his case. Later, I joined the Tre Arrow Defense Committee, which coordinates fundraising for legal defense, media and communications with Arrow and his family.
The RCMP in Vancouver wasted no time in assigning surveillance patrols to the support group. A fleet of minivans (dark forest green with tinted windows) cruised slowly around the East Side neighbourhood where key supporters lived. The phones would ring but the lines were dead. Police have not laid any charges laid against any of his supporters, which is not surprising, since they are among the most peaceful human beings I have ever met.
Direct Action friends and supporters did not get off so easily. Ann Hansen writes: “As is the case during any militant political campaign, a corresponding campaign of police repression followed in the wake of the bombings. The campaign served a number of purposes. The police were able to use the frenzy of fear that the mass media had whipped up to justify the raids and arrests of community political activists without fear of impunity. The campaign was used to gather intelligence on the radical community, but was also part of a well-planned counter-insurgency program with the express purpose of criminalizing and repressing that segment of the left involved in any kind of direct action. “ (Direct Action, p. 461.)
Police raided a house in Toronto where support work was being organized, and laid “an exaggerated number of charges in a vain attempt to gain information on the political activities of others. Following a consistent pattern, the people living in the house did not inform on other political activists, despite being threatened with a total of eighteen charges. “ (Direct Action, p. 462-3.
Anyone can be a target of surveillance. Undercover police operations cast a wide net, and innocent people often get caught. These operations are a menace to activist groups precisely because they are secret. Normal police work is subjected to scrutiny and oversight that doesn’t apply to covert ops. Checks and balances within the criminal justice system were intended to ensure that police don’t violate people’s rights under the law. For example, freedom of association is upheld in documents like the US Constitution and Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms. But security police often consider people who associate with suspected criminals to be criminals themselves, or at least capable of committing criminal acts. Spying on those who associate with people accused of ELF actions can lead to spying on others who associate with the associates, and so on down the line. Guilt by association is not a legally accepted principle because it violates our rights, but in practice, police have no problem with breaking the law, and there is no recourse to hold them to account for their actions.
When people we know go to jail, fear can drive us to condemn them for actions they may not have committed. We may feel compelled to distance ourselves or to speculate about their motives. But strength is what leads us to defend those people, to write letters and organize legal support for them. Our spirit of resistance can overcome the fear of repression. A person doesn’t have to guilty, or even be found guilty in a court of law, to spend years behind bars. I’m helping to support people in jail because maintaining solidarity is crucial, but there is also an element of self-interest: If I get picked up next, outside support would be my lifeline.
On my street, inconspicuous Watchers have replaced the agents. I still see them every day, slowing down as they drive past, idling at the curb and pulling away when I approach, and executing clumsy U-turns for no apparent reason. When I think about the size and expense of this one operation, it boggles my mind. When I multiply it by the number of other operations likely going on right now, I’m stupefied. And for what?
I’ve come to terms with the reality that the police can pick me up any time for any reason. There is nothing I can do to stop that. But I am not powerless as long as I continue to speak out for the eco-defenders and against repression and ecocide. If I allow myself to be intimidated, I may as well be in jail. While I’m free, I will work for the resistance.

